https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483 fr https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=360 The transatlantic dialogue between the European Union and the United States has long been a cornerstone of global diplomacy, underpinned by shared values, robust economic ties, and mutual strategic interests. Over the years numerous dialogues, regulatory cooperation, political agreements, formal treaties or informal institutions, have been established through the years contributing to the creation of an institutional and resilient framework for managing their bilateral relations and facilitate cooperation. Efforts to revitalize this partnership have given rise in recent years to initiatives such as the Trade and Technology Council, to harmonize EU and US policies on supply chain resilience, trade standards, and emerging technologies. These initiatives complement long-standing platforms such as the Transatlantic Legislators’ Dialogue which facilitates exchanges between lawmakers. Such mechanisms aim to bridge policy differences and sustain dialogue, recognizing that coordinated action is essential to maintaining transatlantic influence amid rising international competition and internal divergences. However, geopolitical challenges, regulatory discrepancies, and protectionist tendencies, often complicate smooth cooperation. This paper thus intent to evaluate the progress of both forum in strengthening transatlantic alignment from 2021 to 2024. It concludes by stating that while they both play a critical role in fostering mutual trust and understanding between transatlantic actors, their results are limited by their lacks of direct competencies, low ambitions and persistent regulatory divergences, often resulting in broad declarations rather than concrete outcomes. Nevertheless, the paper argues that their capacity to support dialogues, long-term understanding and gradual convergence is crucial, not as a substitute for formal diplomacy and multilateralism, but as a complement to them. Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=360 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=366 Les rapports entre voisins, après leur émergence comme nations, ont changé, depuis une pratique d'alliés-agresseurs jusqu’à une entente de constructeurs-partenaires. Cette rupture relève d'une prise de conscience : la continuité dans les alliances-agressions du passé n'était pas viable. Peu avait changé entre les guerres généralisées du 17è s. (guerre de Trente ans) et celles du 20è s. (Guerres mondiales). Ce néo-changement ‘signale’ les constructions régionales (européenne années-1950; sud-est asiatique années-1960; ouest-africaine années-1970; latino-américaine années-1980; plurirégionales à partir des années-1990), complétées par la ‘nouvelle Asie’ années-2000, exposées à un test kuhnien de ‘validité régionale’ années-2010 (Brexit), puis à un test sanitaro-souverainiste années-2020 (Covid). Face à cette effervescence régionale, l’on part, à propos de l’Asie centrale, d’un a priori a-paradigmatique logique devant la nouveauté régionale. Préférant, à un refus d'un prêt-à-interpréter académique, une déconstruction de la notion. Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=366 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=386 This article elaborates on how the European Research Area supports research-intense resilience-building across the European Southern Neighbourhood, with a focus on Algeria and Egypt. Systematically selected Horizon 2020-funded projects serve as the main empirical material to process trace the patterns of specific research engagements that link Algeria and Egypt to Europe-based expertise hubs. The hypothesised straw-in-the-wind leans rather cogently. Horizon 2020-funded projects offer access to a notable variety of entities in Algeria and Egypt in the European Research Area. The diversity of Europe-based project managers offers these opportunities to benefit from outstanding circles of internationally renowned experts. The multitude of themes and sciences covered by the examined projects proves that the European Research Area houses a vast pool of expertise through time-bound capacity-building measures accessible to the European Southern Neighbourhood. Projects provide tailored solutions to diverse issues in an international and Mediterranean-specific context. The acquired diagnostic evidence highlights the considerable value of the European Research Area in translating the goals of the European Union’s external action and aspirations conveyed through diplomacy into joint plans and tangible action. The European Research Area is a framework field characterised by a thick layer of networks closely intertwined with other international niche consultative and concerted action formats. Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=386 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=391 This research investigates the role of multilateralism in addressing the Kosovo-Serbia conflict, emphasizing the involvement of international mediators such as the European Union (EU), the United States, United Nations (UN) and NATO. Using process-tracing methodology the study evaluates the evolution of international mediation efforts focusing on the Brussels Agreement (2013) and the Ohrid Agreement (2023). The study aims to identify both the successes and limitations of multilateral diplomacy in resolving this historically entrenched and geopolitically sensitive conflict. Through a comprehensive evaluation of multilateral negotiations, the paper assesses the impact of international diplomacy, third-party interventions, and the critical role of local ownership in fostering sustainable peace. The findings suggest that while multilateralism plays a crucial role in providing platforms for dialogue and fostering cooperation, the effectiveness of these efforts is often hindered by competing national interests, historical grievances, and the complex political dynamics within the Balkans. The study highlights that external mediation alone is insufficient for achieving sustainable peace, as the success of peace agreements depends on local ownership in peacebuilding processes, institutional reforms, and long-term commitment to implementation, as external actors alone cannot ensure sustainable peace. The findings underscore the necessity of an inclusive and long-term conflict resolution strategy, integrating local, regional, and global stakeholders to address underlying tensions, build trust, and implement institutional reforms for enduring peace in Southeast Europe. Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=391 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=401 This article investigates the complex dimensions of the Kurdish issue, with particular emphasis on its ramifications for national governance, regional stability, and the intricacies of global multilateralism (Natali, 2005; Yildiz, 2005; Romano, 2006). By employing critical theoretical frameworks established by esteemed scholars such as Giorgio Agamben, Michel Foucault, Mesut Yeğen, and others, this study delineates how multilateralism—conceptualized as inclusive and norms-based international cooperation—may effectively mediate the structural tensions that exist between state sovereignty and the legitimate aspirations for cultural and political autonomy. Drawing on concepts such as “bare life” and biopolitics, the article analyzes the historical and contemporary mechanisms of Kurdish repression within Turkey, linking domestic policies of cultural assimilation and securitization to broader regional and global dynamics. It critically assesses the role and effectiveness of international institutions in addressing minority rights violations in the context of a global order increasingly challenged by nationalist agendas and declining trust in multilateral governance. The Kurdish question is thus framed as a critical case study for evaluating the possibilities and limitations of international governance in responding to ethnic conflicts and human rights concerns. The article concludes by highlighting the implications for global governance and the potential for multilateralism to foster more inclusive and equitable frameworks for minority recognition and conflict resolution. Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=401 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=406 The eastern geographic corridor on both sides of Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) continues to be violent. The DRC, Ugandan, South Sudanese, and Rwandan governments have individually pledged to address this violence, and they have met with more failure than success as both the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and the March 23 Movement (M23) terrorize communities, especially in the North Kivu region of the DRC. Where states fail to create stability, multilateral organizations have stepped in. In the case of the DRC, states and other stakeholders, including the contentious participation of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), have coordinated to resolve the conflict, bringing peacekeepers, as well as financial and material support. Though MONUSCO has struggled to fulfil its mandate, its absence is almost certain to destabilize the region. Multilateral peacekeeping operations, especially those executed by the United Nations (UN), are often blamed for inaction, mandate drift, peacekeeper misconduct, mismanagement and insufficiently funded programs. However, these criticisms against MONUSCO are neither unique to UN missions nor unique to multilateral operations in Africa. While these shortcomings apply here, MONUSCO’s presence in the eastern DRC has generally benefited the region. Multilateral intervention in eastern Congo has brought more accountability, resources, and opportunity than there would be otherwise. Removing multilateral organizations from the DRC promises to cultivate the conditions for corruption, human rights abuses, and national government neglect that invited the violence which made the initial intervention necessary. Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=406 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=421 This study examines how Flanders constructs and projects a distinct regional identity through its paradiplomatic relations. To explore this phenomenon, the paper adopts a poststructuralist discourse analysis, enabling an in-depth examination of how Flemish identity is articulated through language and strategically mobilised in diplomatic interactions. The study focuses on Flemish diplomats’ speeches during official visits abroad, analysing both their lexicometric aspects and content. Through this analysis, the research identifies recurring themes and rhetorical strategies that shape the external projection of Flemish identity and influence the region’s positioning in international relations.  While Flemish paradiplomacy has been widely studied, little attention has been given to the specific characteristics of Flemish identity as conveyed in diplomatic narratives. Against this backdrop, this research provides new insights into how Flemish diplomats mobilise historical, linguistic, and cultural references to assert themselves as independent actors on the international stage, thereby reinforcing Flanders’ legitimacy as a global player. The analysis reveals that Flemish diplomatic speeches prioritise different aspects of identity depending on the geopolitical context, with European delegations focusing on economic and political cooperation, while those outside Europe highlight cultural heritage and historical ties. By situating Flanders’ case within broader discussions on regionalism, identity politics, and the evolving role of sub-state actors in diplomacy, this study contributes understanding how paradiplomacy functions not only as a political tool but also as a means of identity-building in a world where traditional state structures are increasingly contested.   Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=421 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=427 Introduction à la sécurité internationale est un ouvrage scientifique très intéressant rédigé par Delphine Deschaux-Dutard, enseignante-chercheure à l’Université Grenoble-Alpes. Ce manuel porte sur un sujet très important : l’étude des relations internationales dans le nouveau contexte international marqué par l’émergence des nouveaux enjeux sécuritaires. Il s’intéresse en particulier au risque de prolifération nucléaire, au développement du terrorisme sans attachement étatique, et à la montée en puissance des acteurs non-étatiques qui recourent à la guerre et limitent le rôle de l’État dans la société internationale. Ces menaces sécuritaires ont des dimensions politique, militaire, économique, sociétale, environnementale, etc. C’est pourquoi l’analyse de la question de la sécurité internationale nécessite des explications théoriques en fonction d’évolution des relations internationales, notamment depuis l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique en 1991. Dans cette perspective, l’étude comparative réalisée par l’auteur nous éclaire sur la notion de la sécurité et sa typologie, selon les différentes approches théoriques des relations internationales, en particulier le réalisme, le libéralisme et le constructivisme. Ce livre est composé de trois parties et chaque partie comprend plusieurs chapitres. La première partie porte sur les approches théoriques de la sécurité internationale. Elle comporte les chapitres suivants : (1) L’approche réaliste ; (2) L’approche libérale et fonction Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=427 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=428 International Political Economy (IPE) is often portrayed as a discipline that emerged in the early 1970s, in the context of major political and economic upheavals. However, many of the pioneers of IPE like Susan Strange have instead described it as a “renaissance”. In line with this view of the field, Professor Eric Helleiner explores in this volume the deep intellectual roots of IPE that predate 1945. The motivation for this work stems from the author's dual dissatisfaction with the way pre-1945 intellectual history is depicted in most IPE textbooks. First, the Western-centric perspective of most of these textbooks tends to focus exclusively on European and American thinkers, as those associated with the classical political economy perspectives of economic liberalism, neomercantilism, and Marxism, thus marginalizing intellectual contributions from other parts of the world. Second, IPE textbooks generally concentrate on these three "orthodoxies”, thereby obscuring both the internal divisions within each tradition and, more importantly, a wide range of other significant pre-1945 perspectives. These include autarkism, environmentalism, feminism, Pan-Africanism, Pan-Islamism, Pan-Asianism, and various forms of economic regionalism. Each part of the book seeks to address one of these shortcomings. To do so, the author imposes a temporal constraint on the analysis, beginning with the publication of The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith in 1776 and concluding in 1944. The first part Mon, 15 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0200 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=428 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=316 Depuis le début des années 1950, le régionalisme international est considéré comme un phénomène structurant des relations internationales, ainsi qu’un vecteur de développement socio-économique et d’insertion dans la mondialisation. Cette tendance connaît, néanmoins, en Afrique et ailleurs, des difficultés qui peuvent parfois mener à une véritable crise du régionalisme. Le présent article a pour but d’étudier la crise du régionalisme en Afrique centrale sous l’approche de l’institutionnalisation de la Communauté économique et Monétaire de l’Afrique centrale (CEMAC) et de la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique centrale (CEEAC) qui, bien qu’étant des organisations assez différentes, connaissent toutes les deux une crise institutionnelle profonde. Il s’agira ainsi d’étudier les causes des difficultés qu’éprouvent ces deux organisations régionales à se stabiliser et à remplir convenablement leurs missions. Cela permettra non seulement de comprendre pourquoi les principales thérapies retenues par la CEMAC et la CEEAC telles que les rénovations, réformes, restructurations, relances ou rationalisations, n’ont pas produit les résultats escomptés, mais également de proposer des pistes de réflexion. Pour ce faire, cet article se propose d’aller au-delà des théories classiques de l’intégration régionale et de mobiliser le néo-institutionnalisme, notamment pour ses dimensions historiques et ses choix rationnels, comme outil d’analyse. Tue, 27 Feb 2024 00:00:00 +0100 https://popups.uliege.be/2593-9483/index.php?id=316